26 March 2010

The Extinction Knot: A Hidden Crisis in Northern Australia

By VERLYN KLINKENBORG

Published: September 18, 2009

As I walked back the other night from dinner at a lodge near the Van Diemen Gulf on the north coast of Australia, I accidentally stepped on a toad in the dark. When I looked down, I realized there were toads all around me and that they were cane toads — Bufo marinus — natives of Central and South America. Tens of thousands were released in Australia in the 1930s to control a beetle that preyed on sugar cane, another introduced species.

The toads have marched slowly ever since from the Queensland cane fields into New South Wales and the Northern Territory, reaching the country around Darwin, on the north central tip of the continent, only a couple of wet seasons ago. Cane toads are poisonous, from tadpole to adult. They kill whatever eats them, including birds, reptiles and carnivorous mammals.

Cane toads are only one of the pressures on Australia’s small and increasingly endangered species — others include large grazing (non-native) herbivores, ferocious late-season wildfires and feral cats.

It’s estimated that there are between 4 million and 12 million feral cats in Australia, the progeny of former house cats. Just in the Kimberley — a region of northwestern Australia that is about the size of California — feral cats are eating as many as 300 million small mammals, especially small nocturnal marsupials, a year.

What is happening is a population crash. Scientists surveying native mammals in northern Australia, widely regarded as an oasis of biodiversity, report that they are finding it almost impossible to catch native mammals. During a recent study, it took an average of 1,000 trap-nights to trap 3 mammals.

The scale of this crisis is partly the result of Australia’s unusual and particularly vulnerable ecology. It has always been a predator-poor country — no bobcats, no weasels — so the effect of feral cats has been especially devastating. And though there are many poisonous reptiles in Australia, the advent of a new poisonous amphibian — one so apparently edible as a cane toad — has completely upset nature’s balance. Some birds, crows especially, have already learned how to flip cane toads over and eat their stomachs, avoiding the poisonous glands near the head. But nothing is really stopping the cane toads.

And in most places, nothing is stopping the cats. There is an exception: Australia’s native dogs, the dingoes. They, too, are under attack. Since dingoes sometimes kill sheep, the owners of pastoral stations have tried to exterminate them by using poison bait — a practice once called “dog stiffening.”

The Australian Wildlife Conservancy has purchased several environmentally significant properties across the continent, and on several of them they have stopped killing dingoes. Studies by the conservancy have shown, preliminarily, that when dingoes are present, cat numbers drop sharply. It’s not clear whether the dingoes are killing the cats or driving them out of the neighborhood. But the effect is a rebound in the numbers of other small mammals and reptiles.

The result resembles what scientists discovered in Yellowstone when gray wolves were reintroduced in the mid-1990s. The wolves killed intermediate predators, coyotes mostly, which in turn caused a rebound in the number of small mammals, including voles, gophers and ground squirrels.

What makes Australia’s population crash especially problematic is that most of the species that are disappearing — the marsupials eaten by cats — are seldom visible even when they’re abundant. Their absence goes unnoticed, so it’s hard to rally public sentiment. And thanks to the cane toad, even some larger species are dwindling. Not long ago, on a drive along the Arnhem Highway, heading east out of Darwin, you would have passed a number of pythons warming themselves on the asphalt. Now, they’re a very rare sight.

In a profound sense, the landscape of northern Australia is rapidly losing its biological resilience. It can’t begin to be restored until these non-native creatures are eliminated, no matter how uncaring it may sound to mount a campaign to kill feral cats. What Australia should not do is introduce another non-native predator and create other unintended and disastrous consequences.

Until feral cats and cane toads have vanished, there can be no hope of real recovery. The only good news is the familiar good news: Nature rebounds quickly whenever it gets a chance. But there’s no rebounding once entire species of marsupials and reptiles and birds have vanished for good.

The Road West

When I drive from New York to California, as I did again last week, I always hope I’m going to get a kind of backyard view of the present-day United States. But what I discover is that I’m driving through the past. The road west is littered with the bones of old vehicles, taunting me in their rusted glory from just beyond the fence-line. Every echo of Route 66 is a reminder of a time when the highway was a trail of automotive woe, of engine failures and bad rubber, of drivers on bended knee in front of a jack.

This drive was entirely without incident — 2,976 miles in four days, from my farm in upstate New York to the eastern edge of Los Angeles County. And yet all the way I kept expecting the car to act up. On a bitterly cold morning in Grove City, Ohio, I turned the key, ready to hear a moan from the engine. It fired right up, of course. There were no flats and there was not a mutter of perturbation from the muffler. An alarm light did come on once, but that was only because the other driver — a farming friend who needed a break from the pigs — pushed the wrong button while adjusting the mirrors.

The reason I always expect trouble is my father’s cars. They were like horses that traveled well for him but always came up lame for his children. It bred chronic distrust. I learned to think of a car — my dad’s especially — as a way of getting from one breakdown to the next and meeting unexpected strangers. Driving a nearly new car across the country felt like a mean but somehow gloating rejection of adventure.

The curious part is that as cars have become more and more sealed off in their technological dependability, they’ve also become more porous. It was no trouble, using G.P.S. and our smartphones, to find Ingrid’s Kitchen in Oklahoma City or Lumpy’s in Joplin, Mo., or Taqueria Mexico in Albuquerque. I began, in fact, to glimpse a new geography. All those towering fast food signs clustered at freeway exits began to look like signs of paranoia as well as convenience — a warning against getting too far off the track. But information doesn’t cluster at the exits — it takes you wherever you think you want to go.

And so, after four days, we came across Arizona and alongside the Mojave and over Cajon Pass to the high, whining, gospel yelp of Bill Monroe. Somehow that Joad-like music seemed just right, though we never found ourselves searching for radiator water or camping in the ditches or cursing the foul machine that carried us west.

After You

Recently, I have been considering the four-way stop. It is, I think, the most successful unit of government in the State of California. It may be the perfect model of participatory democracy, the ideal fusion of “first come, first served” and the golden rule. There are four-way stops elsewhere in the country. But they are ubiquitous in California, and they bring out a civility — let me call it a surprising civility — in drivers here in a state where so much has recently gone so wrong.

What a four-way stop expresses is the equality of the drivers who meet there. It doesn’t matter what you drive. For it to work, no deference is required, no self-denial. Precedence is all that matters, like a water right in Wyoming. Except that at a four-way stop on the streets of Rancho Cucamonga everyone gets to take a turn being first.

There are moments when two cars — even four — arrive almost simultaneously. At times like that, I find myself lengthening my own braking, easing into the stop in order to give an unambiguous signal to the other driver, as if to say, “After you.” Is this because I’m from the East where four-way stops are not so common? Or do most California drivers do this, too? I don’t know. What I do know is that I almost never see two cars lurching into the middle of the intersection as if both were determined to assert their right of way.

I find myself strangely reassured each time I pass through a four-way stop. A social contract is renewed, and I pull away feeling better about my fellow humans, which some days, believe me, can take some doing. We arrive as strangers and leave as strangers. But somewhere between stopping and going, we must acknowledge each other. California is full of drivers everywhere acknowledging each other by winks and less-friendly gestures, by glances in the mirrors, as they catapult down the freeways. But at a four-way stop, there is an almost Junior League politeness about it.

And when the stoplights go out at the big intersections, as they do sometimes, everyone reverts to the etiquette of the four-way stop as if to a bastion of civilization. But there are limits to this power. We can only gauge precedence within a certain distance and among a very small number of cars. Too many, and self-policing soon begins to break down. But when we come one by one to the quadrille at the four-way corner, we are who we are at our best, bowing, nodding, and moving on.

The Top End of Australia

March 12, 2010

Australians call the northernmost chunk oftheir continent the “Top End,” a breezy moniker, as though Australia were a boiled egg sitting upright in an egg cup waiting to be cracked open with a silver spoon. Just how much Top End there is is open to debate, the kind that gets worried out with maps drawn in the dust. While I was there last September, I saw dust maps that gave the

Top End most of Australia north of the Tropic of Capricorn — about a third of the continent. Others included only Cape York and the rather wind-swept-looking peninsula that includes the roistering town of Darwin, the capital city of the Northern Territory.

The Top End I visited was vastly narrower — the river flats and hill country just inland from Van Diemen Gulf. But it was still an imponderable slice of terrain, long ridges of sandstone giving way to the flood plains that edge Kakadu National Park, a Unesco World Heritage site and the largest park in Australia — bigger than Connecticut and Delaware combined. To Australians, Kakadu and the country around it feels like an ancestral reservoir, a cultural repository with Aboriginal roots and an oasis of native biodiversity. Here, the sandstone endures, the monsoon floods come and go, and then the fires follow — erratic and regenerative in the early part of the dry season, unforgiving in the later part. But this oasis is going dry almost unnoticed.

This is a landscape that seems to ask, “Why have you come here?” There’s no hostility in the question, only the indifference native to a continent of punitive, natural harshness. Every traveler will have a different answer. Mine was mud, and also, more broadly, the difference between nature as a norm and nature as merely what is, whether it should be or not. Here, the grandeur of nature is well disguised by the impenetrable thicket of life itself.

For weeks after visiting Australia, I found myself thinking about mud: the living mud on the banks of Sampan Creek, which insinuates itself into Van Diemen Gulf, not far from Bamurru Plains, a safari-style eco-lodge that opened here a few years ago. When the wicked tide falls on the creek’s lower reaches, it leaves behind long, sloping shelves of ooze. In December, the monsoon comes, and when it does, Sampan Creek and all its fellow creeks and rivers break their bounds and spread their mud — an originating mud — out over the coastal plains. It daubs the fur of Agile wallabies grazing on the flood plains. The water buffalo seem compounded of it. The magpie geese glory in it by the tens of thousands. I saw a similar mud in the billabongs at Kakadu and beneath the freshwater mangroves at Wongalara, a former cattle station southeast of Kakadu that has been converted into a nature sanctuary by the Australian Wildlife Conservancy.

On Sampan Creek, canoe-length saltwater crocodiles come creasing down the banks, slicking their tiled bellies across the mud. They slip into the silted current, eyes like dark and watchful bubbles. You may be on dry ground, termite plinths all around you, the astringent scent of crushed tea-tree leaves in the air, but a part of your mind will still be thinking of those estuarine eyes not quite looking at you, yet not quite minding their own business either.

One afternoon, I saw four young Australian men fishing in a Kakadu billabong. They were standing in a small pram with plenty of beer. Meanwhile, around the corner, a line of crocodiles waited their turn at the carcass of a water buffalo, which lay half in the water, its central cavity opened, its wet, white ribs showing. The crocodile at work seemed almost drugged by the turbid scent of decomposition. At long intervals, it drove itself up onto the rib cage, rolling sideways, then using its weight to tear free a mass of rotting flesh. It showed a white stump where its left foot had been, lost in some recent crocodilian controversy — the very antithesis of Captain Hook.

Throughout the Top End, I sensed an incoherence, an unresolved moral burden in the landscape. Take Kakadu National Park. It is a very recent creation, first proposed in the mid-1960s but not confirmed until more than a decade later. It is mostly escarpment country, gouged wilderness, a landscape of rock and time. And yet in some sense Australia has not yet decided what Kakadu should be — a reminder of just how new the conservation ethic is here and how hard it is to create coherent preservation schemes in a place where time collides the way it does down under. In some ways, Kakadu is an experiment in trying to resolve historical tensions rather than a place of natural conservation.

For one thing, Kakadu is one of the few truly national parks in the country — administered by federal, not state authority, for the simple reason that it sits on Aboriginal land. One of the great sticking points in the park’s recent history is whether Australians should pay an entrance fee. At present, the answer is best summed up by the empty site of the former east entrance station, expensively built and expensively bulldozed when fees were rescinded in 2004. The fees have just been reinstated.

Then, too, there is the critical shared management of Kakadu with its traditional owners, many of whom, mostly Aboriginal Bininj/Mungguy, still live within the park. They’re conservators of the land and their traditions within it, visible in its rock art and its sacred sites, but the Aborigines hunt and fish throughout the park practically at will. They also harbor non-native animals like buffalo and, notoriously, a herd of shorthorn cattle visible in the grasslands around Yellow Water, for reasons that are both spiritual and carnivorous.

The park’s Aboriginal heritage is also overlaid with the more recent history of white holdings within its boundaries. The strangest and most significant is the Ranger uranium mine, which is still being worked within the park’s borders. And then there is Jabiru — a town established to service the Ranger mine. The streets are quiet, utterly domestic in feel. Apart from the vegetation, and the flying foxes hanging dormant in a tree at midday above the elementary school, Jabiru could be a suburb of Dallas.

Like much of Australia, the Top End demonstrates that nature favors invasive species over native ones, at least in the short term. They proliferate. They burgeon. But what matters isn’t only what invasive species do to the balance of life in the wild. What matters too is what they do to our minds, since that’s where the difference between native and invasive is finally assessed.

In their proper element, for instance, cane toads are no more loathsome than any other toad, though they are poisonous. On the flood plains east of Darwin, they will be clustering near the oil lamps by night, bobbing for insects and getting underfoot.

Or they’ll be lying tire-flattened on the Arnhem Highway (the east-west road between Darwin and Kakadu) or splayed out, on their backs in a dusty paddock somewhere, their digestible meaty bits eaten away by the few birds that have already somehow learned how to eat them without fatality. For cane toads are relatively new to Australia, which is not their proper element.

Cane toads explain the wistfulness you hear among some Australians when they talk about their roadkill. “You used to see a lot of pythons dead on the highway,” said Sab Lord, a legendary bush guide, as we drove one day across the Top End toward Darwin. The toads have spread outward across the country from Queensland cane fields, where they were introduced to help control beetles, and they have decimated the reptiles and birds that have eaten them. As a result, the roadkill census — which is how most people see most wildlife — reveals fewer and fewer native reptiles and more and more cane toads, which hark back to the Americas. The first cane toad arrived in Darwin only recently, and believe me, it was not welcomed.

I didn’t fly halfway round the world from New York to see cane toads. But then that’s the point of flying halfway round the world — to see what you didn’t expect to see.

I didn’t expect to see swamp buffalo in the Top End, either, and yet there they were,

some domesticated and bucolic, some feral and simply rancid with anger, but all descended from the few Indonesian buffalo brought by the British to the Cobourg Peninsula in the 1820s. In the 1980s and ’90s, the government tried to shoot out the buffalo, to control disease. But the buffalo are making their way back, crossing out of the Aboriginal reserves, where they were never shot out, into Kakadu and the flood plains north of it. There, on places like Swim Creek Station, where Bamurru Plains is sited, the buffalo are a cash crop, gathered by airboats and helicopters in February during the monsoon and shipped back to Southeast Asia for human consumption.

One night, I walked back to my tent-cabin from the lodge at Bamurru Plains through the corkscrew pandanus palms. The full

moon was high, cane toads were clustering in the dim glow, and the wallabies were moving through camp nearly silently. The water buffalo out on the flood plain had receded from view — drifting at sunset for the night into the woods, just up the trail from me. From outside, the inward-sloping walls of the tent-cabin looked opaque. But when I stepped inside and doused the lights, the sheer canvas seemed to vanish, and I was left with only the faintest scrim between me and the outer world, which lay in silhouette under the moon.

Out there was a realm of exceeding flatness, where saltwater and freshwater are fighting over the land. Each has its season. Freshwater has the monsoon, when rain drowns the country. Across the Top End, Aussies lead visitors to high spots, extend their arms and say, like so many Noahs, “All this will be under water during the wet” — the local name for the monsoon. Saltwater owns the rest of the year, and it’s always seeking to work its way inland, always trying to claim another portion of solid earth. As the planet warms and the oceans rise, this coastal fringe will be one of the drowned lands.

But for now there’s still a temporary truce between saltwater and fresh. One sign of it is the chenier just beyond the lodge at Bamurru Plains. A chenier — the name is Louisiana French — is a historic, hard-packed ridge of sand and shell rubble laid down by the sea.

At Bamurru, it looks like a slightly raised roadbed, a foot-high levee. During the wet, water fills the flood plains and advances right up to the chenier, where the guides park their airboats. You’d be tempted to say that the coastline, some three miles to the north, had wandered inland. But the floodwater is fresh — runoff from the rugged sandstone escarpment further inland, which sheds water like oilskin. And in this harsh but delicate landscape, where the overriding ecological concern is the balance between saltwater and freshwater, the buffalo trails act as unwanted capillaries, breaking through the all but indiscernible high ground and allowing saltwater to infiltrate the swamps.

I’d spent the morning on an airboat with a Scottish guide named Kat, flat-bottoming our way into the paperbark swamps. It wasn’t merely the mud that seemed primeval. It was also the abundance of life — the jabirus stalking the open shallows and the endless chatter of magpie geese. Ducks rose in whistling clouds, and from the tops of the paperbarks, sea eagles watched us drifting among the shadows. So did the crocodiles disguised as floating swamp scum.

This was nearly the end of the dry season, and the shrinking floodwaters had concentrated the flocks and extended the grassland, where buffalo and horses grazed in the distance. And because large mammals are endemic in the American imagination of nature — in my imagination, that is — it was hard to perceive them as historically “unnatural.” There they were, after all, their presence as undeniable as that of the wallabies and striated herons.

But the horses are wild, the feral relics of white men who came to this district for the buffalo shooting in the late 19th century. The horses — “brumbies,” in Australian — stand hock-deep in water and develop swamp cancer: tumorlike, pustulant growths on their legs and bellies and noses. This is the northern edge of a continent-wide herd of feral horses and donkeys — about 300,000 horses and more than five million donkeys nationwide.

At Wongalara we flew low over the brush, stirring a small herd of horses and donkeys. They loped ahead of our helicopter, casting scornful glances in our direction. The true work of restoration can’t begin until these animals are gone.

At Wongalara, too, I watched a pitfall trap being set for small, nocturnal marsupials — which is mostly what the Top End has for native mammals. The trap is a long wall of toughened rubber belting. Mammals run into the wall and scurry down its length, only to fall into a plastic bucket set into the ground. In the morning, they’re weighed, counted and released. But scientists are finding almost nothing in the traps anymore. The marsupials are ideal prey for feral cats, millions of them, which are also devastating small reptiles and ground-nesting birds. There are now indications of a full-blown population crash.

Wherever I went, I felt I was looking at a hidden landscape. What I needed most were guides to what could not be seen, to what was invisible. I don’t mean the Aboriginal spirits inscribed in the rock of Kakadu itself. I mean the species that had gone or were going missing. As the days passed, I found myself becoming more and more a tourist of the vanished and the vanishing.

Saltwater crocodiles have rebounded since hunting was banned in 1971, and they now pervade nearly every body of water in the Top End. But for many other species, time in the Top End is now over. What makes it all the harder is this: The species becoming invisible through extinction were largely invisible to begin with.

Perhaps it would be easier just to take the Top End at face value: the uranium mine, the cankered horses, the missing mammals, the plague of toads. Perhaps it would be easier just to give in to the “naturalness” — to stand, as I did, one day, on a sandstone ridge with Sab Lord and look out over a beautiful grassland enclosed by rugged hills. Out on the plain, a herd of horses grazed beside a copse that might almost have been aspen. It looked more than natural. It looked like a pictorial vision of natural completeness, or would have if we’d been in New Mexico. But as we walked down the hill, Sab and I saw a small monitor a type of native lizard — peering out of the stony shade. “That’s the first one of those I’ve seen this year,” Sab said, and there we were, back in the extinction we had never left.

ESSENTIALS / KAKADU,AUSTRALIA

Getting There and Around Virgin (vaustralia.com.au) flies from Los Angeles to Darwin with a stop in either Brisbane or Melbourne; flights on Qantas (qantas.com.au) stop in Sydney. Good places to begin planning a trip to the Top End are Tourism Australia (australia.com) and the Northern Territory Visitors Bureau (northernterritory.visitorsbureau.com.au). Sab Lord (lords-safaris.com), who grew up on a station in what later became Kakadu, is an indispensable guide for the area. Arnhem Land, the Aboriginal reserve east of Kakadu National Park, is closed to visitors, except to guides with permits and their clients. The best way to grasp the environmental problems facing Australia is to explore the work being done by the Australian Wildlife Conservancy (australianwildlife.org). It has established nearly 20 sanctuaries, including Wongalara.

Lodging There are good camping sites throughout the park. Go to kakadunationalparkaustralia.com. Bamurru Plains One of a small group of Wild Bush Luxury holdings in Australia, notable for safari-style rooms and first-class food. 011-61-2-9571-6399; bamurruplains.com; doubles from about $1,650. Gagudju Crocodile Holiday Inn The building, shaped like a crocodile, is in the national park. 1 Flinders Street, Jabiru; 011-61-8-8979-9000; holidayinn.com; doubles from $330.


24 March 2010

Manhood for Amateurs: The Wilderness of Childhood

By Michael Chabon

When I was growing up, our house backed onto woods, a thin two-acre remnant of a once-mighty wilderness. This was in a Maryland city where the enlightened planners had provided a number of such lingering swaths of green. They were tame as can be, our woods, and yet at night they still filled with unfathomable shadows. In the winter they lay deep in snow and seemed to absorb, to swallow whole, all the ordinary noises of your body and your world. Scary things could still be imagined to take place in those woods. It was the place into which the bad boys fled after they egged your windows on Halloween and left your pumpkins pulped in the driveway. There were no Indians in those woods, but there had been once. We learned about them in school. Patuxent Indians, they'd been called. Swift, straight-shooting, silent as deer. Gone but for their lovely place names: Patapsco, Wicomico, Patuxent.

A minor but undeniable aura of romance was attached to the history of Maryland, my home state: refugee Catholic Englishmen, cavaliers in ringlets and ruffs, pirates, battles, the sack of Washington, "The Star-Spangled Banner," Harriet Tubman, Antietam. And when you went out into those woods behind our house, you could feel all that history, those battles and dramas and romances, those stories. You could work it into your games, your imaginings, your lonely flights from the turmoil or torpor of your life at home. My friends and I spent hours there, braves, crusaders, commandos, blues and grays.

But the Wilderness of Childhood, as any kid could attest who grew up, like my father, on the streets of Flatbush in the Forties, had nothing to do with trees or nature. I could lose myself on vacant lots and playgrounds, in the alleyway behind the Wawa, in the neighbors' yards, on the sidewalks. Anywhere, in short, I could reach on my bicycle, a 1970 Schwinn Typhoon, Coke-can red with a banana seat, a sissy bar, and ape-hanger handlebars. On it I covered the neighborhood in a regular route for half a mile in every direction. I knew the locations of all my classmates' houses, the number of pets and siblings they had, the brand of popsicle they served, the potential dangerousness of their fathers.

Matt Groening once did a great Life in Hell strip that took the form of a map of Bongo's neighborhood. At one end of a street that wound among yards and houses stood Bongo, the little one-eared rabbit boy. At the other stood his mother, about to blow her stack—Bongo was late for dinner again. Between mother and son lay the hazards—labeled angry dogs, roving gang of hooligans, girl with a crush on bongo—of any journey through the Wilderness: deadly animals, antagonistic humans, lures and snares. It captured perfectly the mental maps of their worlds that children endlessly revise and refine. Childhood is a branch of cartography.

Most great stories of adventure, from The Hobbit to Seven Pillars of Wisdom, come furnished with a map. That's because every story of adventure is in part the story of a landscape, of the interrelationship between human beings (or Hobbits, as the case may be) and topography. Every adventure story is conceivable only with reference to the particular set of geographical features that in each case sets the course, literally, of the tale. But I think there is another, deeper reason for the reliable presence of maps in the pages, or on the endpapers, of an adventure story, whether that story is imaginatively or factually true. We have this idea of armchair traveling, of the reader who seeks in the pages of a ripping yarn or a memoir of polar exploration the kind of heroism and danger, in unknown, half-legendary lands, that he or she could never hope to find in life.

This is a mistaken notion, in my view. People read stories of adventure—and write them—because they have themselves been adventurers. Childhood is, or has been, or ought to be, the great original adventure, a tale of privation, courage, constant vigilance, danger, and sometimes calamity. For the most part the young adventurer sets forth equipped only with the fragmentary map—marked here there be tygers and mean kid with air rifle—that he or she has been able to construct out of a patchwork of personal misfortune, bedtime reading, and the accumulated local lore of the neighborhood children.

striking feature of literature for children is the number of stories, many of them classics of the genre, that feature the adventures of a child, more often a group of children, acting in a world where adults, particularly parents, are completely or effectively out of the picture. Think of The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe, The Railway Children, or Charles Schulz's Peanuts. Philip Pullman's His Dark Materials trilogy presents a chilling version of this world in its depiction of Cittàgazze, a city whose adults have all been stolen away. Then there is the very rich vein of children's literature featuring ordinary contemporary children navigating and adventuring through a contemporary, nonfantastical world that is nonetheless beyond the direct influence of adults, at least some of the time. I'm thinking of the Encyclopedia Brown books, the Great Brain books, the Henry Reed and Homer Price books, the stories of the Mad Scientists' Club, a fair share of the early works of Beverly Cleary.

As a kid, I was extremely fond of a series of biographies, largely fictional, I'm sure, that dramatized the lives of famous Americans—Washington, Jefferson, Kit Carson, Henry Ford, Thomas Edison, Daniel Boone—when they were children. (Boys, for the most part, though I do remember reading one about Clara Barton.) One element that was almost universal in these stories was the vast amounts of time the famous historical boys were alleged to have spent wandering with bosom companions, with friendly Indian boys or a devoted slave, through the once-mighty wilderness, the Wilderness of Childhood, entirely free of adult supervision.

Though the wilderness available to me had shrunk to a mere green scrap of its former enormousness, though so much about childhood had changed in the years between the days of young George Washington's adventuring on his side of the Potomac and my own suburban exploits on mine, there was still a connectedness there, a continuum of childhood. Eighteenth-century Virginia, twentieth-century Maryland, tenth-century Britain, Narnia, Neverland, Prydain—it was all the same Wilderness. Those legendary wanderings of Boone and Carson and young Daniel Beard (the father of the Boy Scouts of America), those games of war and exploration I read about, those frightening encounters with genuine menace, far from the help or interference of mother and father, seemed to me at the time—and I think this is my key point—absolutely familiar to me.

The thing that strikes me now when I think about the Wilderness of Childhood is the incredible degree of freedom my parents gave me to adventure there. A very grave, very significant shift in our idea of childhood has occurred since then. The Wilderness of Childhood is gone; the days of adventure are past. The land ruled by children, to which a kid might exile himself for at least some portion of every day from the neighboring kingdom of adulthood, has in large part been taken over, co-opted, colonized, and finally absorbed by the neighbors.

The traveler soon learns that the only way to come to know a city, to form a mental map of it, however provisional, and begin to find his or her own way around it is to visit it alone, preferably on foot, and then become as lost as one possibly can. I have been to Chicago maybe a half-dozen times in my life, on book tours, and yet I still don't know my North Shore from my North Side, because every time I've visited, I have been picked up and driven around, and taken to see the sights by someone far more versed than I in the city's wonders and hazards. State Street, Halsted Street, the Loop—to me it's all a vast jumbled lot of stage sets and backdrops passing by the window of a car.

his is the kind of door-to-door, all-encompassing escort service that we adults have contrived to provide for our children. We schedule their encounters for them, driving them to and from one another's houses so they never get a chance to discover the unexplored lands between. If they are lucky, we send them out to play in the backyard, where they can be safely fenced in and even, in extreme cases, monitored with security cameras. When my family and I moved onto our street in Berkeley, the family next door included a nine-year-old girl; in the house two doors down the other way, there was a nine-year-old boy, her exact contemporary and, like her, a lifelong resident of the street. They had never met.

The sandlots and creek beds, the alleys and woodlands have been aban- doned in favor of a system of reservations—Chuck E. Cheese, the Jungle, the Discovery Zone: jolly internment centers mapped and planned by adults with no blank spots aside from doors marked staff only. When children roller-skate or ride their bikes, they go forth armored as for battle, and their parents typically stand nearby.

There are reasons for all of this. The helmeting and monitoring, the corralling of children into certified zones of safety, is in part the product of the Consumer Reports mentality, the generally increased consciousness, in America, of safety and danger. To this one might add the growing demands of insurance actuarials and the national pastime of torts. But the primary reason for this curtailing of adventure, this closing off of Wilderness, is the increased anxiety we all feel over the abduction of children by strangers; we fear the wolves in the Wilderness. This is not a rational fear; in 1999, for example, according to the Justice Department, the number of abductions by strangers in the United States was 115. Such crimes have always occurred at about the same rate; being a child is exactly no more and no less dangerous than it ever was. What has changed is that the horror is so much better known. At times it seems as if parents are being deliberately encouraged to fear for their children's lives, though only a cynic would suggest there was money to be made in doing so.

The endangerment of children—that persistent theme of our lives, arts, and literature over the past twenty years—resonates so strongly because, as parents, as members of preceding generations, we look at the poisoned legacy of modern industrial society and its ills, at the world of strife and radioactivity, climatological disaster, overpopulation, and commodification, and feel guilty. As the national feeling of guilt over the extermination of the Indians led to the creation of a kind of cult of the Indian, so our children have become cult objects to us, too precious to be risked. At the same time they have become fetishes, the objects of an unhealthy and diseased fixation. And once something is fetishized, capitalism steps in and finds a way to sell it.

What is the impact of the closing down of the Wilderness on the development of children's imaginations? This is what I worry about the most. I grew up with a freedom, a liberty that now seems breathtaking and almost impossible. Recently, my younger daughter, after the usual struggle and exhilaration, learned to ride her bicycle. Her joy at her achievement was rapidly followed by a creeping sense of puzzlement and disappointment as it became clear to both of us that there was nowhere for her to ride it—nowhere that I was willing to let her go. Should I send my children out to play?

There is a small grocery store around the corner, not over two hundred yards from our front door. Can I let her ride there alone to experience the singular pleasure of buying herself an ice cream on a hot summer day and eating it on the sidewalk, alone with her thoughts? Soon after she learned to ride, we went out together after dinner, she on her bike, with me following along at a safe distance behind. What struck me at once on that lovely summer evening, as we wandered the streets of our lovely residential neighborhood at that after-dinner hour that had once represented the peak moment, the magic hour of my own childhood, was that we didn't encounter a single other child.

Even if I do send them out, will there be anyone to play with?

Art is a form of exploration, of sailing off into the unknown alone, heading for those unmarked places on the map. If children are not permitted—not taught—to be adventurers and explorers as children, what will become of the world of adventure, of stories, of literature itself?


21 March 2010

SOUTH AFRICA'S BORDER WAR 1966-1989

SOUTH AFRICA'S BORDER WAR 1966-1989

by Willem Steenkamp, Ashanti, RSA, 1989, H/b, 256pp, 515 photographs.
In 1965 the first infiltration by armed insurgents of PLAN (People's Liberation Army of Namibia) took place over the border of Southern Angola/Ovamboland, and set in motion what was to become a war lasting 23 years and ultimately involving not only Namibians and South Africans, but also Angolans, Cubans, Russians and Americans. Willem Steenkamp's book covers this entire 23-year conflict, from the attack by a group of rag-tag insurgents who missed the border entirely and killed 2 Angolan shopkeepers by mistake in 1966 to the large-scale incursions by well-armed and for the most part well-trained groups in the late 1980s. The book is large and more or less equally divided between text and photographs, and consists of two sections. The first covers the military actions from the 1960s to 1989 in chronological order, while the second section examines the forces involved on both sides throughout the war - from SWAPO, FAPLA and the CUBANS on the one side to the RECCES, PATHFINDERS and KOEVOET on the other.

In 1974 Admiral H.H. Biermann, then Chief of the SADF, declared in a statement that the SADF "would never commit its forces to internal struggles in Mozambique and Angola", but the following year a radical change took place in the overall strategic situation in Southern Africa which was to force South Africa to play an active role beyond its borders.

The hasty withdrawal of the Portuguese from Angola left the country in a turmoil of confusion, with 3 major guerrilla movements, all equally ill-prepared to form a government, jostling for power. Eventually, with the help of the notoriously pro-Communist Vice-Admiral Coutinho, the new Governor-General, the MPLA was hoisted into the saddle of power. More Cuban military "advisors" were brought into the country to help prop up the new rulers. As Steenkamp points out, these were not the first Cubans to be stationed in the country:

"For years SWAPO and MPLA sympathisers inside and outside South Africa have claimed the Cubans started arriving in Angola only in late 1975 to combat South African aggression, but in fact there was an old relationship between Neto and President Fidel Castro, and Cuba had been providing Neto with instructors and a personal bodyguard since 1966".

The chaotic situation in Angola and the discovery of Cuban weapons dumps near the SWA border, combined with clashes between South African troops and Angolan insurgents at the Calueque pump station - an important site in a combined South African-Portuguese hydro-electric project - convinced the South Africans to enter into the fray, with the covert backing of the USA, to assist the anti-MPLA movements - UNITA and the FNLA.

The resulting campaign, 'Operation Savannah', was to firmly establish the fighting reputation of the SADF. Two of the four battlegroups involved, named 'Foxbat' and 'Zulu', advanced rapidly into Angola, scattering the opposition before them, and reaching as far as the area of Luanda, the capital. The FNLA, however, after going against South African advice, launched an ill-conceived attack on Luanda itself and was defeated. American support for the campaign had by now evaporated, and the South Africans decided to withdraw their forces in an orderly manner which would allow Savimbi's UNITA to consolidate its positions and still benefit from the gains of Op Savannah.

One of the last engagements of the campaign (which the MPLA claimed as a victory) was the 'Battle of Bridge 14', involving battlegroup Foxbat:

"Faced with a substantial Cuban/MPLA force at Katofe, Kruys's sappers built a log bridge across the Bahla River while under heavy enemy fire. Then, under cover from 5.5 inch guns, the infantry and armoured cars went bald-headed for their opponents, losing four dead but killing an estimated 400 Cuban and MPLA soldiers (the exact number will never be known because the bush was so thick that enemy dead and wounded were being found for days afterwards, while the BBC reported at the time that loads of corpses and wounded men had been ferried away by the MPLA). The victory was so complete that Kruys had difficulty in restraining some of his more junior armoured car commanders from chasing after the fleeing enemy..."

On the negative side, Operation Savannah had shown that, contrary to the claims from Luanda that a "major invasion" by South Africa was taking place, the SADF was not adequately prepared for extensive operations across its borders. There was a manpower shortage and the SADF was short of everything "from maps of Angola to wheel-spanners for its vehicles".

In the following years, however, this situation was to change decisively - the SADF would bring new weapons into service, improve transport in the form of mine-protected vehicles, and establish new units of specialist forces which included Bushman trackers, cavalry units and elite units such as the "Recces" and "Pathfinders". Black units were also formed and few could have foreseen at that time that the remnants of the FNLA force which failed so badly at Luanda would later, under the leadership of the renowned Col. Jan Breytenbach, form one of the most feared units of the entire war - "32 Battalion", also known as the "Buffalo Battalion". The standard of training of the Angolan Army also improved significantly under the influence of the Cubans, however, and they provided a haven on the Angolan side of the border for SWAPO.

External or cross-border operations by the SADF against both SWAPO and FAPLA became commonplace, and almost every year saw a new major operation take place.

In addition to the shooting war, Steenkamp illuminates many aspects of the propaganda war, setting the record straight with regard to a number of alleged atrocities. An example of SWAPO disinformation concerned the so-called massacre by the SADF of an entire village in Namibia in 1972. A gullible Swedish television cameraman was manipulated by Andreas Shipanga of SWAPO into reporting the "atrocity". The Swede was taken to a village in Angola, which had been attacked by the Portuguese Army, and introduced to one Haingula, presented as the only survivor:

"In due course Sanden and his crew were taken into Angola, blissfully ignorant of the fact that they had crossed the border, shot reels of film showing the ghastly remains and interviewed a well-primed Haingula, who displayed his wounds and explained that he was the sole survivor of the massacre. Shipanga then showed the film to foreign journalists and produced Haingula, who repeated his bravura as sole survivor. It caused an enormous international storm which drowned out the South Africans' genuine protestations of innocence: 15 years later Shipanga gleefully related the story to Foreign Minister Pik Botha. It was one of the first SWAPO disinformation stunts, and one of the most successful".

On another occasion in 1985 the South Africans themselves blundered by denying involvement in an attack on an oil refinery in Cabinda in Northern Angola. The Angolans triumphantly produced a prisoner named Captain Wynand du Toit, and the South Africans were forced to admit that small groups of commandos were active in Northern Angola!

In the epilogue to the book Steenkamp concludes that contrary to popular opinion abroad, Angola was never South Africa's "Vietnam", but rather the Cuban's. South Africa at no time committed large numbers of troops to battle and their losses were minimal due to their better training and organization, whereas the Cubans lost thousands of men. The superiority of South African planning and tactics was demonstrated time and again by their victories against greatly superior forces and the overwhelming quantities of arms and equipment that they were able to capture intact. This was the first book to attempt a complete history of the border war and the author has succeeded in producing an ordered, chronological account of a long and confusing war. The hundreds of good-quality photographs illustrate in detail the hardships and daily life of the fighting men of both sides in the war on South Africa's borders.

  • Now out of print. A few mint copies still available from Allport Books.

Tokyo Vice

Tokyo Vice

Published: March 18, 2010

When I started to read David Peace’s new novel, I had, frankly, absolutely no idea of what was going on. The opening line: “In the occupied city, you are a writer and you are running.” As it turns out, the idea of running — “step by step-step by step” — is endlessly, mind-numbingly repeated and reworked in this novel. A writer is running, clutching the manuscript of a book that refuses to be written, toward the Black Gate of Tokyo, where something of an occult nature is going on. Both the reader and the fictional writer — is it David Peace himself? — are tightly wound in something intensely claustrophobic. I felt as if I were lost, not in Tokyo, but in a particular kind of pulp fiction fantasy.

Illustration by Casey Burns

OCCUPIED CITY

By David Peace

275 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $25.95

Mercifully, it soon became apparent that “Occupied City” is an extraordinary and highly original crime novel, based on a notorious true-life poisoning of bank workers in occupied Tokyo in 1948. Peace’s high aim is to combine something of the conventions and rhythms of traditional Shinto storytelling with an investigation of the actual killings, as well as what lay behind them. In real life (as in the novel) a watercolor painter, Sadamichi Hirasawa, was convicted of the murders and sentenced to be hanged, although he lived on in prison until 1987, when he finally died of natural causes at the age of 95. Efforts are still being made to clear his name. It seems highly unlikely that he was guilty.

The facts of the case are these. On Jan. 26, 1948, a man entered the Teikoku Bank and poisoned 16 people, including the entire staff and the children of the caretaker. The murderer pretended to be a Dr. Yamaguchi, come to immunize the victims against dysentery, which he claimed had been found in the area. He presented a card proclaiming himself “Technical Officer, Ministry of Health and Welfare,” and added that he was working under the guidance of the Americans. He said that a Lieutenant Parker would soon be along to check that the work had been carried out thoroughly. All 16 victims were induced to take, simultaneously, a deadly poison measured through pipettes into teacups, a procedure that Yamaguchi first demonstrated calmly, stressing how important it was to take the liquid on the tongue. The survivors — there were only four — reported that their poisoner seemed familiar with medicine and medical procedure. In other words, he was probably not a watercolor painter. The motive remains hazy; only a relatively small amount of money was stolen. The whole of the Tokyo detective force was mobilized to try to find the killer. Newspapers also put their best reporters to work.

In “Occupied City,” his eighth novel (and his second in a planned trilogy about Tokyo), Peace draws on a theory that apparently intrigued some newspapers and police officers at the time: he connects the killer to the so-called Unit 731, the infamous Japanese biological weapons division that functioned in the province of Manchuria. The unit, still a subject of embarrassment in Japan, performed vivisections without anesthesia, bred plague-infected rats to spread disease in China, experimented with anthrax bombs and tested the effectiveness of poisons on prisoners. It was a huge operation, and after the war ended, many of the 750 doctors it had employed were out of work, destitute and shunned. Already a source of contention during the war, the unit posed a very tricky problem for the occupying Americans, who knew — as did the Russians — what had been going on long before the Japanese surrendered on board the battleship Missouri.

If nothing else, the occupying forces wanted to bring war crimes charges against the unit’s commander, Lt. Gen. Shiro Ishii, who was being held under house arrest. But Ishii feigned forgetfulness and stonewalled the American and Russian investigators until they finally decided they could glean more useful information by promising him immunity — much to the eventual regret of one American expert, Dr. Murray Sanders. In this book, Sanders is conflated with his successor, Arvo Thompson, to produce a well-drawn and tragic character, Murray Thompson; the fictional Thompson dies in the hospital, possibly poisoned to keep him quiet. (The real Thompson committed suicide.)

These are the bare bones of the story. But they suggest nothing of the highly stylized and fresh approach of Peace’s book, which combines the fragmented technique of “Rashomon” with a traditional Japanese storytelling style involving occult séances, and which draws on influences (or so Peace tells us) from sources as diverse as Benjamin Britten and the poetry of Paul Celan. “Occupied City” provides testimony from 12 participants in the case, including a survivor, a reporter, a former gangster, Col. Murray Thompson himself, two detectives, the convicted man and even the imagined real killer. Their accounts are each quite different in form, so that one section is composed of newspaper reports about the killings, while another is written as the log of a police officer on the case, providing a vivid sense of what it was like to be a Japanese detective in the ruined city at that time. Still another, Thompson’s contribution, is made up of despairing letters to his wife and his superiors, as he loses the battle to bring Ishii to justice and in consequence loses his own mind. In one of his last letters before his death, he writes to his wife, “I swear to you, Peggy, that I did not know that human guinea pigs had been used when I suggested the arrangement” to grant immunity. The accumulating detail leads the reader inexorably toward the conclusion that the murderer was linked in some way to Unit 731, which had the expertise and the alienated staff members desperate for money. Nonetheless, no other suspect was ever caught.

At times the novel’s prose takes on an almost hypnotic rhythm as it settles into a kind of modernist repetition of phrases: “Tear by drop-drop, foot by step-step . . . drop-drop, step-step.” For pages at a time, sentences start with “In the occupied city.” Peace presumably intends for all this repetition to lend his book a lyrical authenticity and poetic exoticism, but really it makes him sound like Rain Man. But stick with him. Once you get past the irritation and the claustrophobia the language sometimes induces, this is a truly remarkable work. It is hugely daring, utterly irresistible, deeply serious and unlike anything I have ever read.

20 March 2010

Seeing San Francisco From a Different Angle

Seeing San Francisco From a Different Angle

Peter DaSilva for The New York Times

FRESH AIR AND VIEWS Bernal Heights Natural Area is an off-leash dog park.

Published: November 27, 2009

SAN FRANCISCO — As fires raged downtown after the 1906 earthquake, residents of this city fled to two nearby districts to the south, Bernal Heights and Glen Park. Though part of San Francisco, both areas looked more like countryside then, with open ranchland, vineyards and orchards, dirt roads and wetlands, and a few houses. The windswept peaks above Glen Park were called Little Switzerland.

San Francisco Travel Guide

Peter DaSilva for The New York Times

Antonio Rivera uses pastels to capture the rugged beauty of Glen Canyon Park.

Many of the earthquake refugees wound up settling there, and both neighborhoods also attracted waves of new immigrants. Today, Glen Park and Bernal Heights, two distinctive communities little more than a mile apart and accessible on foot from the Glen Park BART train station, retain a self-contained village atmosphere as well as some of their wild, open vistas.

Visitors to San Francisco can linger two or three days off the tourist track in this hilly and little-known tangle of streets, hiking, picnicking on fresh California fare and working up an appetite for the dozens of international restaurants and cafes they’ll find.

With a jog to trendy Noe Valley to the north and a side trip to the nearby Mission Dolores, the itinerary includes both the hip and the historical. It’s a San Francisco even some natives don’t know. Hotels are scarce, but house and apartment rentals are even better, since they make it possible to shop at local specialty food shops and cook at home.

Bernal Heights Natural Area, a 24-acre knob of red Franciscan chert that rises from a sea of colorful row houses like the prow of a ship, has a 360-degree view of San Francisco in its pastel glory. The city ripples into the distance in all directions: from the downtown skyscrapers and Golden Gate mist to Candlestick Park and the industrial East Bay, and to San Bruno Mountain to the south.

As one of the city’s largest off-leash dog parks, this park, elevation 433 feet, attracts mostly locals who come to get a daily dose of fresh air for themselves or their pets. Wildflowers around the margin shelter small birds and mammals and butterflies. Hawks hunt overhead (and owls at night), and the whole area lies in the Pacific Flyway for migratory birds.

There are many approaches to the Bernal Heights park, notably from the south and west on the many side streets off Cortland Avenue — the neighborhood’s commercial artery — or off Mission Street, its western boundary (except for Mitchell’s Ice Cream parlor a block farther west, at 688 San Jose Avenue). An easy approach is Bernal Heights Boulevard which circles the park. The 24th Street Mission BART stop is actually closer to Bernal Heights than is the Glen Park station, but the walk from there has little scenic appeal.

Highlights of Cortland Avenue include Good Life Grocery, which stocks sourdough bread, cheese, chocolate, fruit, wine and other picnic supplies; Moonlight Cafe and Crepe House for a hearty brunch; and the sunny Red Hill Books for an upbeat selection of new and used titles.

More so than Bernal Heights, Glen Park feels like a real town, with a dry cleaner, a hardware store, a library branch, liquor stores and a first-rate greasy-spoon diner. But there are also superb restaurants, specialty groceries large and small, and a landmark bookstore and performance space.

The neighborhood’s main attraction, however, is Glen Canyon Park, a 70-acre swath of city-owned wilderness nestled in a sweeping ravine and just out of sight of several major roads.

Beginning about six blocks up from the Glen Park BART station, at the end of Bosworth Street, a trail just under a mile long ascends steadily through dense creekside forest, then over a meadow dotted with trees and boulders — a place for sunbathing or bird-watching — and finally to a nearly hidden shopping center with yet more good eating and million-dollar views of downtown San Francisco far below.

A good day’s outing from Glen Park starts with breakfast at Tyger’s, a coffee shop at the corner of Diamond and Chenery Streets, north of the BART station, or at the fragrant and light-washed Destination Baking Company, a block east. Then, shop for picnic provisions at Canyon Market, on Diamond, followed by a leisurely hike up Glen Canyon.

Next, descend steep walkways around Diamond Heights Boulevard and Gold Mine Drive, through the rainbow-hued residential streets of Noe Valley for a coffee break on 24th Street or lower Castro, then back to Glen Park for dinner.

The 24th Street and adjacent Church Street commercial districts in Noe Valley are home to specialty groceries like Drewes Brothers Meats, 24th Street Cheese Company and Church Produce.

For a very different Glen Park tour, walk downhill (east) on Bosworth Street from the BART station, then left on Mission Street to St. Mary’s Avenue. There, the impressive Old World profile of St. John the Evangelist Roman Catholic Church towers over quiet streets where thousands of recent immigrants have made their homes alongside generations of longtime San Franciscans.

The nearby Manila Oriental Market on Mission Street offers a supermarket-size assortment of Asian groceries for this new population, including a selection of exotic seafood, both in tanks and on ice.

It’s another example that away from San Francisco’s worthwhile but overcrowded tourist stops, the city remains fresh and unpredictable in these two ever-changing and compact communities.

IF YOU GO

WHERE TO EAT

Le P’tit Laurent Bistrot Français, 699 Chenery Street (Glen Park); (415) 334-3235,leptitlaurent.com, serves dinner daily.

La Corneta Taqueria, 2834 Diamond Street (Glen Park); (415) 469-8757,lacorneta.com, serves lunch and dinner daily, eat in or take out. Seafood and other Mexican specialties; tacos are $1.65 to $5.50, combination plates $9.25 to $13.75.

Osha Thai Cafe, 2922 Diamond Street (Glen Park); (415) 586-6742, oshathai.com, lunch and dinner daily; lunch $11-13, dinner $13-17, extensive noodle soup menu.

Moonlight Cafe and Crepe House, 634 Cortland Avenue (Bernal); , serves breakfast and lunch daily until 6 p.m. Monday to Friday, until 5 p.m. Saturday and Sunday. Sweet or savory crepes, $6 to $9; cheeseburger with caramelized onions and port-wine cheddar, $10.

Clay Oven Indian Cuisine, 1689 Church Street (near Bernal Heights); (415) 826-2400,clayovensf.com, serves lunch and dinner daily. Clay-oven-cooked entrees are $11 to $17.

El Paisa Restaurante, 3322 Mission Street (Bernal Heights); (415) 550-0557,elpaisasf.com, serves a hearty Honduran and Salvadoran menu with friendly service; breakfast, lunch and dinner daily. Breakfast $6 to $10, soups $7 to $14, seafood entrees $11 to $25.

LOCAL FOOD SHOPS

Good Life Grocery, 448 Cortland Avenue (Bernal); Canyon Market, 2815 Diamond Street (Glen Park); Destination Baking Company, 598 Chenery Street (Glen Park);Manila Oriental Market, 4175 Mission Street (near Glen Park); 24th Street Cheese Company, 3893 24th Street (Noe Valley); Drewes Brothers Meats, 1706 Church Street; and Church Produce, 1798 Church St.

WHERE TO STAY

The Noe Valley Voice online (noevalleyvoice.com) lists homes to rent, as doesVacation Rentals by Owner (vrbo.com).

WHAT TO DO

Bird & Beckett Books & Records, 653 Chenery Street (Glen Park), (415) 586-3733,birdbeckett.com. New and used books, specializing in San Francisco history and culture, and appearances by poets and musicians.

Mission Dolores, 3321 16th Street (near Bernal); (415) 621-8203, missiondolores.org, founded in 1776, is open daily. Suggested donation is $5.

Neighborhood festivals include Fiesta on the Hill, usually in October, sponsored by the Bernal Heights Neighborhood Center(bhnc.org), and the Glen Park Festival(glenparkfestival.com), usually in April, both with lots of music.